Border imperialism is Harsha Walia’s “alternative analytic framework [which] disrupts the myth of Western benevolence toward migrants” by seeing borders as the cause of violence instead of the preventers of violence (Walia 2013, 5). Violence is manufactured and maintained through structures of forced displacement, migration, assimilation, and precarious labor conditions due to illegalization and social stratification (Walia 2013, 38). These forces go hand-in-hand with the capitalist economy, which is characterized by the accumulation of capital.

The Global North is complicit in migration as its neoliberal globalization policies displace people from their lands in order to accumulate capital. This capitalist economy is organized, facilitated, and enforced by the nation-state with its infrastructures of “stock exchanges, tax regulations, and banking systems” as well as private property, corporations, natural resources, and workforce discipline (Walia 2013, 47-48). While capital is free to move across borders, the dispossessed people are categorized as threats to the nation-state and are limited in movement, which deprives them of “livelihood and dignity” on both sides of the border (Walia 2013, 4-5). This mechanism allows capital flow and labor flexibility while creating precarious conditions for workers. Precarious labor “is characterized by poor wages, insecurity in the continuity of work, and lack of protection by even minimal labor regulations” (Walia 2013, 46). This is amplified by the methods of subjugation of border imperialism, which Walia breaks down into four parts.

First is the mass displacement of colonized peoples into urban centers and across state borders due to hierarchical global power dynamics (Walia 2013, 5). Or, in the case of Palestine and Turtle Island, genocide is done to remove people from the land. This in conjunction with the fortification of borders against these migrants (Walia 2013, 5). These manufactured mechanisms enable each other rather than being coincidental and create impoverishment and precarity (Walia 2013, 44-46).

Second is the criminalization of migration and migrants who are considered innately illegal, alien, and deviant (Walia 2013, 5). This construction maintains the social hierarchies necessary for state power and capital accumulation through disenfranchisement (Walia 2013, 60). Furthermore, this criminalization conceptualizes the state as a victimizable entity whose borders cannot be violated (Walia 2013, 54). This expands the carceral system and increases profits for security markets through migrant detention centers and the militarization of the border, which further embeds the state in capitalism and situates migration within the profitability of the War on Terror (Walia 2013, 55-58).

Third is a racialized hierarchy which fabricates and normalizes the concept of legitimate “citizenship and belonging within the nation-state as well as within the grid of global empire” (Walia 2013, 61). The construction of whiteness as a dominating identity subjugates racialized others while rejecting racialized identities for themselves (Walia 2013, 61). This racialization of nonwhite others is embedded in white supremacy, which seeks to protect “a system of wealth, power, and privilege” (Walia 2013, 61). The distinction of the racialized “other” forms the ideology of who should be protected by the nation-state and who should be subjected to violence by the nation-state (Walia 2013, 63). Thus the conceptualization of a national identity based in “the nation-state’s normative heteropatriarchal whiteness” justifies the violence of state-building through local settler-colonialism and global “economic and military imperialism” (Walia 2013, 65-66).

Fourth is the capitalist exploitation of migrant labor, which is a distinct labor category consisting of workers without legal citizenship (Walia 2013, 67). The forced migration into capital cores due to dispossession often results in horrible working and living conditions that is often supported or facilitated by the state, which legalizes this precarity (Walia 2013, 68). By denying citizenship, the state “ensures legal control over the disposability of the laborers, which in turn embeds the exploitability of their labor” (Walia 2013, 70). In this way, borders form “differential zones of labor” and create the ideal worker: “commodified and exploitable; flexible and expendable” (Walia 2013, 71). Thus the characterization of illegality is ideologically crucial to the differentiation between migrants and “proper” constituents of the nation-state, despite them being in the same labor market and society (Walia 2013, 73).

These are the methods of subjugation by which the nation-state violently engages people and territory in order to meet capitalism’s needs for cheap, disposable labor and exploitation of resources while simultaneously establishing the nation-state’s normativity of whiteness (Walia 2013, 74). The formulation of an exclusive, hierarchical nationalist identity (within/at borders) illustrates “the apartheid nature of citizenship status” (Walia 2013, 74). This, alongside the racialized justification of imperialism (beyond borders) creates a cyclical pattern that feed each other and is how the Global North is complicit in migration (Walia 2013, 6).

No One Is Illegal (NOII) is founded on the holistic analysis of borders and its effects on power, which forms its “transnational anticapitalist, antiracist, anticolonial, and antioppression” ideology (Walia 2013, 77). The organization seeks to challenge the constructions of the “good/desirable/real migrant (read: English-speaking, employed, and/or conforming to heteropatriarchal norms)” and the “bad/undesirable/bogus migrant (read: unemployed, without formal education, and/or with a criminal record)” (Walia 2013, 77). NOII is committed to systemic analysis and a political vision that extends past single issues and organizational boundaries. In this way, NOII understands itself as part of a web of movements, which is more interconnected than parallel alliances (Walia 2013, 98). NOII is committed to five forms of movement-based practices.

First is direct support work, which is shaped by five tenants: (1) “supporting people in fighting for their most basic needs, especially to live in safety, is necessary in advancing the struggle”; (2) “the practice of antioppression encourages people with privilege to take on tangible responsibilities in ensuring a more dignified survival” for others; (3) “mobilize on the basis of solidarity not charity, which means that support is mobilized alongside rather than on behalf of people”; (4) “name and confront political systems in order to break through the psychological isolation that is intended to silence, blame, shame, and ultimately disempower people”; (5) “direct support is explicitly political, and part of a process of empowerment, consciousness-raising, and movement building” (Walia 2013, 103-104). Powerful support work rises from thrusting struggles into public view in an effort to “ignite the spirit of resistance rather than replicate a dynamic of charity” (Walia 2013, 104). These strategies take different forms including mass mobilizations, educational forums, resisting deportations, and emotional support (Walia 2013, 104). It also includes necessary engagement with state systems that are antithetical to their values, such as lobbying politicians, which is done concertedly with a “vocal critique of that same system” (Walia 2013, 109). The usefulness and effects of strategies are context-specific based on political conditions and the specific needs of those in struggle (Walia 2013, 110). Furthermore, the underlying strength of direct support work comes from the processes of building relationships founded upon “respect, trust, and accountability” (Walia 2013, 110). By being grounded in and led by communities of struggle, these multicultural collective actions provide opportunities to share common experience, develop politicization and empowerment, and build organizational capacity. This grows the overall movement while working to tackle individualized violence and its systemic perpetuation (Walia 2013, 106-110).

Second is advocacy for “full regularization, also known as legalization or amnesty, for all undocumented, nonstatus, and temporary migrants” without distinction (Walia 2013, 111). This is part of the demand to end detentions and deportations, which would allow migrants to live without constant fear. It is the humanizing of migrants, which opposes criminalization and precarity and turns towards increased access to “health care, education, child care, social assistance, labor protection, housing, legal aid, and antiviolence services” (Walia 2013, 111). NOII recognizes this is only possible through grassroots collaboration and commitment “to a politic based on autonomous power that is separate from state power” (Walia 2013, 117).

Third is abolition of the security apparatus. The racialization of others is “embedded in law and bureaucracy so that the suspension of rights appears not as a violence but as the law itself” (Walia 2013, 117). The exacerbation of “racist anti-immigrant hysteria” by the post-9/11 War on Terror stimulates the racialized desire for “national security”, resulting in increased state security, border militarization, intelligence services, and targeted laws (Walia 2013, 117-118).

Fourth is resisting the settler-colonial state from within as a necessary step of “decolonization and our collective liberation” (Walia 2013, 125). Marginalization and complicity overlap in the context of settler-colonialism, and no one can skirt the social positioning and entanglement within a society whose “founding violence” is against Indigenous peoples (Walia 2013, 128-130). Thus, all justice movements “must involve nonnative solidarity in the fight against colonization” (Walia 2013, 130). Solidarity is founded in building relationships in continued commitment around shared goals and beliefs (Walia 2013, 132). Critical to building relationships towards shared liberation is “understanding ourselves as complicit within settler colonialism, taking up the responsibility to educate our communities about Indigenous histories on the lands we reside on, and prioritizing active support for Indigenous self-determination” (Walia 2013, 137).

Fifth is anticapitalist resistance, which involves the convergence of “those most impacted by capitalism” (Walia 2013, 141). This allows the mirroring of specific issues amongst local communities, which can mobilize these groups to build towards a greater anticapitalist movement (Walia 2013, 141). Politicizing and organizing around these everyday experiences of subjected peoples is not easy, but this is what can push movements past coalition building into revolutionary power (Walia 2013, 142).

Transformative movements seek to be radical yet accessible through mass-based grassroots community organizing that is consciously and actively anticolonial, anticapitalist, antiauthoritarian, and nonsectarian (Walia 2013, 174). Solutions can only be discovered and created through the processes of collective movement building. Thus, these movements “cannot be imposed, and by its very nature, is a perpetual process of analysis, organizing, and reflection” (Walia 2013, 174). This transformative consciousness, culture, and sense of purpose must be built and nourished as a prolonged movement that prioritizes “thoughtful strategizing, meaningful antioppression work, and empowering group structures” (Walia 2013, 175).

Thoughtful strategies include building alliances in order to unite people across different worldviews, which presents difficulties of “complicated dynamics, differences in ideology, and nuanced questions” (Walia 2013, 177). There may be some alliances that cannot be formed due to basic ethical principle violations or campaigns that do not connect ideologically, but generally, alliance building with those we do not completely agree with is important (Walia 2013, 180-184). Additionally, organizers cannot hold themselves as superior, but instead must fulfill roles that can “facilitate and inspire mutual learning and transformation” (Walia 2013, 179). Meeting people where they are without compromising political vision is the vehicle by which movements can expand towards greater structural change (Walia 2013, 180). This also calls for long-term commitments rather than only accomplishing symbolic short-term goals (Walia 2013, 180). Grassroots outreach must also involve a variety of strategies and forms with the intent of engaging people through interaction, popular education, and narratives (Walia 2013, 181-182). This connects to the strategy of building up prefigurative spaces such as collective kitchens and infoshops, in which reliance on the state is reduced and people are empowered (Walia 2013, 181). Holistic effort also includes reflection, analysis, and discussion on the effectiveness of strategies, which can mean “deliberate fusion and cohesion” of “seemingly divergent strategies” (Walia 2013, 182-183). The effectiveness of specific tactics is contextual, and these maneuvers should aim to meet strategic goals that coherently move towards a broader ideological objective through the “analysis of the current political conditions along with the movements’ strengths and capacities” (Walia 2013, 184-187).

Antioppression analysis is necessary to build movements that do not replicate the power dynamics housed in systemic marginalization based on “race, class, gender, sexuality, and ability” (Walia 2013, 187). It is not a matter of who is most oppressed, but rather an engagement with the relative and contextual manifestations of oppression that impact relationships and movements (Walia 2013, 189). In this way, an active antioppression practice fundamentally challenges normalized structures of social, political, and economic injustices (Walia 2013, 191). Antioppression practice can be laid out in three steps: (1) “[seek] out and [offer] tangible solidarity and resources to existing movements within marginalized communities”; (2) “engage and involve oppressed communities in the decision-making processes of our groups and campaigns”; (3) “frame campaigns so they align with the analyses that marginalized peoples have about the issues that impact their lives and allow them to make such articulations on their own terms” (Walia 2013, 191-192). Identity-based organizing that does not minimize subjections allows us build trust and equity for the transcendence of divisive systemic marginalization (Walia 2013, 193).

Empowering group structures require continued reflection and discussion regarding “divisions of labor, internal structure, and decision-making roles” as these mechanisms are embodied in the movement as a whole (Walia 2013, 194). Specifically, NOII is structured as a base of grassroots organizers who are accompanied by a network of supporters (Walia 2013, 196). They are organized nonhierarchically through the guidance of consensus decision-making as well as freedom from funding coercions. Flexibility is still present as “structure is a means to an end and not an end unto itself” (Walia 2013, 196). They recognize that leadership does not necessitate authoritarianism, just as nonhierarchy does not necessitate structurelessness (Walia 2013, 197). Those most impacted are prioritized and thus inherently fulfill a leadership role (Walia 2013, 197). In this way, leadership is actually encouraged. Different contexts allow the rise of different leaders depending on experience or relationships of trust (Walia 2013, 198). Leadership accountability and transparency can be accomplished through active consensus, which is a form of direct democracy based on “the active participation and consent of all group members” in decision-making processes (Walia 2013, 199). These ways of group-centered structuring commits to building collective power through mutual contributions of skills and knowledge, which “fosters a shared sense of responsibility and ownership over the group’s work” and guides individuals and movements towards their full potentials (Walia 2013, 199-201).

Other ways to strengthen movements:

• identifying informal hierarchies and allowing people to self-determine their level of engagement through: (1) “dividing work into semiautonomous committees and encouraging newer members to take coordinating roles within them”; (2) “supporting newer members in taking on speaking roles on behalf of the organization”; and (3) “creating more comprehensive orientations for new members and information/skill-sharing sessions” (Walia 2013, 213)
• “having the courage to recognize when we act in oppressive ways, challenging oppressive dynamics, holding each other accountable, and normalizing these discussions are just some of the ways we can work to eradicate oppression” (Walia 2013, 224)
• forming a practice based in solidarity open to alliances rather than “adopting a purist politics about ideological stances” (Walia 2013, 229)
• practicing “a form of solidarity that is not conditional in nature, while engaging in and expressing dissent from a place of active commitment and not ideological superiority” (Walia 2013, 230)
• not overcommitting or setting too high of expectations. Instead, “be tenacious in the things we can commit to: meeting the goals we set for our actions, weaving the strong relationships we want with communities to whom we should be accountable as well as with the allies we need and can learn from, building our resilience to burnout and turnover by making space and being adaptable, and learning from our mistakes with humility so that we don’t repeat them. Being realistic means being more honest about who we are, what we seek to get out of organizing, and what we can commit to doing together” (Walia 2013, 242).

Decolonization is a paradigm shift that occurs dialectically through resisting and dismantling systemic hierarchies and the prefiguration of societies built on “equity, mutual aid, and self-determination” (Walia 2013, 249). As discussed, decolonization begins from the understanding that we are all participating in settler-colonialism, which makes our participation in anticolonialism imperative (Walia 2013, 251). This establishes Indigenous self-determination as the necessary foundation for all social and environmental justice mobilization (Walia 2013, 251). Solidarity from nonnatives includes “taking initiative to self-educate about the specific histories of the lands on which we reside, organizing support with the clear consent and guidance of Indigenous nations or groups, being proactive in offering concrete fundraising or campaign support as needed or requested, building long-term relationships of accountability, and never assuming or taking for granted the trust that nonnatives may earn from Indigenous peoples over time” (Walia 2013, 253).

Colonialism and capitalism fabricates social and psychological isolation despite our increased dependence on production processes (Walia 2013, 265). This atomization encourages consumer culture, which feeds capitalist production, while also increasing fear of each other, which justifies state surveillance and criminalization (Walia 2013, 265-266). Deep community is created in the process of struggle as we work towards reciprocal care and healing for ourselves, each other, and the earth (Walia 2013, 266-267). In this way, decolonization is embodied in “generative and prefigurative process whereby we create the conditions in which we want to live” as the antidote for “authoritarian governance, oppressive hierarchies, and capitalist economies” that become internalized (Walia 2013, 274).

Through decolonization, movements expand politically towards global liberation, which rejects border imperialism and other systemic hierarchies and injustices. This naturally brings in “prison abolition, anti-imperialist, gender liberation, and disability justice movements” (Walia 2013, 257-258). The interconnection of these movements emphasizes how becoming “more visible or desirable in an oppressive system” will never reach collective liberation as this strategy remains within the overarching hierarchical system itself (Walia 2013, 264-265). “What will free us is the collective and public recognition of all bodies, all abilities, all genders, all experiences, and all expressions as inherently valuable”, and decolonization is the assertion of this universal humanity (Walia 2013, 265).

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Works Cited

Walia, Harsha. 2013. Undoing Border Imperialism. Oakland: AK Press and the Institute for Anarchist Studies.